Blue Collar and College

Is College Worth It? Is college the only way to success? If the answer is yes, so why Bill Gates and Steve Jobs are college dropouts and millions of graduated students with degrees from four-year higher education institutions cannot find jobs. Today, a college education does not guarantee you anything. It is not an automatic ticket to get a good job as people believe. These issues are viewed more sharpen via two writers’ point of views Mike Rose and Caroline Bird.Based on their essays, Rose with â€Å"Blue-Collar Brilliance† and Bird with â€Å"College is a Waste of Time and Money†, both suggest college is not the only way to succeed and that society mistakenly overvalues a college education. It is time to rethink the idea about college. By showing that knowledge can be acquired outside the classroom, Rose repudiates that people who spend more time in school, are not more brilliant than those who do not. He says, â€Å"Though work-related actions become routine with experience, they were learned at some point through observation, trial and error. Even if people are not college educated, they can deal with various problems that they face in the work by using their experiences that colleges do not teach them. Rose’s mother, Rosie was a waitress; the restaurant became the place where she studied human behavior, puzzling over the problems. Rose’s uncle, Joe Meraglio, worked in a factory; he observed the factory was like schooling, a place where he was constantly learning. Life experience can teach a person a tremendous amount.True, it would be in a different manner than a formal education would, yet still a very lofty education can be learned through hands-on actives, outside a classroom setting. Everyone is smart on their own level. However, Rose stresses the point that their â€Å"brilliance† is not recognized or, if it is, it is looked down upon by people who are more â€Å"educated. † In the same way with Rose, Bird argues that college is a waste of time because the majority of college graduates do not end up working in the same field as the major they studied.Students waste thousands of dollars for a college education, just to end up with their degree in their hand and with no job relating to it. Instead they have to take classes that have close to nothing to do with their major but are only taking these classes in order to fulfill a general educational requirement. They cannot transform learning experiences to jobs. Bird says, â€Å"Teachers, engineers and others I talked to said they find that on the job they rarely use what they learned in school. † She presents this statement with the evidence of Charles Lawrence, a communications major in college and now the producer of â€Å"Kennedy & Co. † the Chicago morning television show, says, â€Å"You have to learn all that stuff and you will never use it again. I learned my job doing it. † Birds also shows a society's a ssumption that everyone is a fit for college, not knowing that it only comes naturally to a few. Another Rose and Bird’s perspective is that money can be acquired without a college education. Rose shows how Rosie and Joe make money with blue collar jobs. Rosie with excellent management ability on performance helped her earn a lot of tips and good salary.Joe took the advantage on learning about budget and management, he became a supervisor. Those people definitively have a good income. Rosie and Joe are representative people without higher education, but they still get accomplishments and they can define who they are in society. Similarly, Bird states that college education will not help the students to make money in the future: â€Å"if making money is the only goal, college is the dumbest investment you can make†. Bird compares the money that would be spent on education versus money that is put in a bank for interest.Even when the graduates do succeed in having good j obs, Bird says there is no evidence that the higher income is due to their college education as college attract people who are intelligent with good family backgrounds and an enterprising temperament. Most parents are convinced that sending their children to college is a good investment; their children will earn more money. There was a student that really was into cars and was also accepted to Princeton. If he decided to go to Princeton he would pay about $34,181 a year to attend, and when he got out only make $1,000 more than a high school graduate.But if he instead took the money and invested it while working at the local car garage, by the time he was 28 he would have over $73,113. Then with that money he could open up his own business and make a lot more yearly that the average high school graduate. Although there is a huge similarity between Rose and Bird’s idea, there are some different thoughts in their essays. Rose comments that education should not only be measured b y college, but he still acknowledges the value of college. He still has higher education.He says, â€Å"I studied the humanities and later the social and psychological sciences and taught for 10 years†¦ Then I went back to graduate school to study education and cognitive psychology and eventually became a faculty member in a school education. † His points of view which are displayed in his essays are gained not only from his real life but also from his college. If he did not have higher education, he would not have had this essay â€Å"Blue–Collar Brilliance†. On the other hand, Bird devalues college by focusing on money. She convinces readers that college is an investment in order to make money.Therefore, after graduation, students cannot find job and no money; it means college is not worth. She said, â€Å"When most people talk about the value of a college education, they are not talking about great books. † She also claims that college becomes com mercialized: â€Å"They sell college like soap, promoting features they think students want: innovative features, an environment conductive to meaningful personal relationships, and a curriculum so free that it doesn’t sound like college at all. † She gives people a negative image about college.In conclusion, success is the goals which people have set just for themselves. Not to look at anyone or make determination based on social standing. Success in a general sense means happiness. As Rosie and Joe on Mike Rose’s essay and a student who worked at the local car garage on Caroline Bird’s essay, even though they are underestimated on society, they are still success on their path. This is a proven fact that college is not the only way to success. College is just an option. People can choose it or not. It's up to them to decide what they are going to do with the opportunity they are given.

The Chinese Massacre of 1603

The massacre of 1603: Chinese perception of the Spaniards in the Philippines Jose Eugenio Borao National Taiwan University From a historiographic point of view, the incident of 1603 acquires special significance in the long and tragic history of Chinese massacres in the Philippines. For compared to all the rest, this has been the best chronicled, not only in Spanish, but also in Chinese sources. Moreover, both coincide in the presentation of facts and are alike in the ordering of events.When these sources—especially the Chinese—begin their account of the massacre, they refer to a remote, perhaps even unrelated, incident that is, nevertheless, significant. The tension started in 1593, when 250 Chinese were forcibly recruited to row the ships which Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, then Philippine governor general, sent to conquer the Moluccas Islands. Soon after they set sail, the Chinese in the flag ship staged a mutiny, assassinated Dasmarinas, and took over the vessel. Weeks la ter, the son of the murdered governor, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, then based in Cebu, sought vengeance to fall on the heads of the culprits.To do this, he asked for assistance from the Chinese authorities of Fujian, who welcomed the young Dasmarinas’ ambassadors and offered them their help as well. The second episode happened 10 years later, in the spring of 1603, when â€Å"three mandarins† arrived in Manila on a strange mission: to reconnoiter a â€Å"mountain of gold† abundant with trees that bore gold. This visit raised the suspicion of the Spaniards in the Philippines, already so accustomed to intermittent threats of conquest, particularly from the Japanese. They concluded that this was probably an advance party for a future invasion of Manila.At that time, the Chinese in this city were almost 10 times the number of Spaniards. The third event, the Sangley uprising, happened in autumn of that same year. The reasons for this uprising remain unclear. The motives r ange from the desire of the Chinese to dominate Manila, to their wanting to abort the Spaniards' moves that seemed to lead to their elimination. After initial uncertainty as to who would eventually win out, the rebellion was quelled by the Spaniards who, together with Filipino and Japanese troops, massacred some 20,000 Chinese.Both our sources also point to a more or less common epilogue. After the Spaniards’ first attempts at reconciliation and China’s indignant reactions, both parties reached a new compromise and the agitation easily vanished as though nothing had happened. Former trade relations were resumed, allowing the Chinese to settle again in Manila, even if both sides harbored grudges against each other for what had happened earlier. What I now propose is to try to bring together reports on the massacre, both from the known Spanish sources and from the Chinese founts.The comparison may allow us to better understand the remote and proximate causes of the trage dy of 1603. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 1 The sources The Spanish manuscript sources which document the massacre are found in their entirety in the General Archive of the Indies and were published almost completely in the â€Å"Colin & Pastells,† that is to say, the new edition of the work of Colin, done by Pastells in 19001. Some of them were reproduced immediately afterwards and translated to English, in Blair & Robertson,2 and again soon after by Pastells in his joint work with Navas. These sources may be classified into two: those released during the event—which served as â€Å"news updates†Ã¢â‚¬â€or shortly after the incident, giving a global view of what had happened; and those that appear in the books that came out around that time, situating the incident within the general context of Philippine history, as Morga4 does in his book, or as part of the conquest of the Moluccas, as Argensola5 approached it in his. The letters and reports fro m the officers of the Royal Audiencia of Manila, and those of the superiors of the various religious orders belong to the first type.These documents intend to give personal viewpoints which, despite the fact that they contest each other, are not contradictory but rather complimentary. Of course, all deplore the massacre even if they deem it a justified, though exaggerated, measure. At the same time, they differ mainly in the analysis of the means that could have been taken to avoid it, or of the actions that indirectly provoked it. Argensola tries to consolidate all the information that reached the court during the years immediately after the massacre (he published his work six years after the event), and personal reports from the main players of the said event.Argensola may have had the Augustinian Diego de Guevara as his principal source, because this priest moved to Madrid to attend to some of his order’s concerns shortly after the incident. The work of Dr. Morga, eyewitne ss of the events, is briefer and simpler in tackling the topics and conclusions that were being formulated in Manila immediately after the uprising (Morga left Manila in 1606). The Chinese sources, on the other hand, are official and therefore anonymous. They are briefer than those of the Spaniards, and seem to be less defensive, even if they also seem to reflect partisan tendencies. They usually acknowledge provocation on the part of the Chinese expatriates, and yet refuse to be judged by foreigners. These documents sometimes cite specific words or actions of an officer from Fujian, although they Francisco Colin, S. J. Labor evangelica, ministerios apostolicos de los obreros de la Compania de Jesus, fundacion y progresos de su provincia en las Islas Filipinas. Nueva edicion ilustrada con copia de notas y documentos para la critica †¦ por el P. Pablo Pastells, S. J. , Vol. II, Barcelona, Imprenta y Litografia de Henrich y Cia, 1900, pp. 18-441. 2 Blair & Robertson, The Philippi ne Islands (vol. XII, pp. 83-97). 3 Pablo Pastells & Francisco Navas, Catalogo de los documentos relativos a las Islas Filipinas (vol. 5, Barcelona, 1929, pp. LXXVI-CVIII). 4 Antonio Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Mexico, 1609. We used here the version annotated by Jose Rizal, offset reprinting by the National Commission for the Centenary of Jose Rizal, Manila, 1961. 5 Bartolome & Leonardo Argensola. Conquista de las Islas Malucas, Imprenta del Hospicio Provincial, Zaragoza 1891. We have used the following references: Ming Shi (â€Å"The History of the Ming Dynasty â€Å"), Ed. Ding Wen, Taipei, 1975, Vol. 11 (pp. 8370-8375); Ming Shi Lu (â€Å"The True History of the Ming Dynasty†), prepared by the Academia Sinica, Ed. Zhongwen, Volumes 12 and 13, Taipei, 1961 (pp. 12090, 123030, 12371); Dong Xi Yang Kao (â€Å"Studies on the Eastern and Western Oceans†), Ed. Taiwan Shang Wu, Taipei, 1971 (pp. 57-60); Ming Ching Shi Wen Bien (â€Å"Anthology of the Official Documents of the Ming Dynasty†), Vol. 6, Ed. Zhunghua, Beijing, 1962 (pp. 4727-4728); Huang Ming Xiang Xu Lu; Guo Que (â€Å"National tolls†), Ed.Ding Wen, Taipei, 1978, Vol. 8 (p. 4917). I wish to thank Prof. Zhang Kai for his invaluable help in pointing out these sources, and my research assistant Lin Li-pin for his help in the translation of these materials. 1 Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 2 generally present themselves as part of an official investigation that was also transmitted officially. Also, since the events happened outside China, it is difficult for the imperial officers to verify them, which is why they put forward brief and detached explanations.Nevertheless, the massacre of 1603 happened during a period of stability in the Ming Dynasty; thus, their capacity to inquire into and annotate an event that happened outside their shores was much greater than, for example, the time when the massacres of 1639 or of 1662 took place. The former happe ned on the eve of the fall of the Ming Dynasty, while the latter was more associated with the Ming resistance—at that time, Koxinga7 was dying in his Taiwanese hideout—than with the Manchus, the new powers in China, who were still trying to establish themselves in the country.The incident of October 25, 1593 Let us now take a brief look at Argensola’s account in Chapter 6 of his book. 8 He states that Governor Gomez Perez de Dasmarinas prepared four galleys to attack the Moluccas but had difficulty finding soldiers to man them. When the flagship was the only one left to be filled, â€Å"he ordered that of the Chinese contract workers who were entering the Philippines, 250 were to be taken to man the flagship. The Royal Treasury was to pay each one two pesos a month†¦ and, in the best of cases, they were only to row in calm weather. The Governor forced the governor of the Chinese to get these 250 men who set sail against their will. Finally, on October 17, the naval crew left for Ternate. However, as soon as the flagship moved a short distance off, and the Chinese oarsmen were put to work—unaccustomed as they were to the task and spurred on by brutal and menacing foremen—the said workers decided to stage an uprising, preferring to die in the attempt than to continue rowing for the Spaniards. The rebellion took place on the night of October 25, claiming the lives of the Governor himself and a great part of the 80member Spanish crew.The bad weather persisted, which was why the mutineers only went as far as the Ilocos region, where they were assaulted by the natives. They left behind the surviving Spaniards, among them, Juan de Cuellar, secretary of the Governor and the Franciscan Montilla, both of who managed to reach the coast. Afterwards, the Chinese decided to sail to China, but landed in Vietnam instead, where â€Å"the king of Tunquin seized their cargo†¦ and left the galley to sink in the coast. The Chinese wer e dispersed and they fled to the different provinces. †9 The Spanish survivors informed Manila of what happened.The rest of the navy based in Cebu under the command of the governor’s son, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, returned to Manila. There, he was appointed interim Governor of the islands. Then a strange thing happened in 1594. In retrospect, this incident seems to have served as a â€Å"rehearsal† for what was to happen next. That year, the Chinese presumed that the Spanish navy had left for the Moluccas Isles. As Argensola puts it, â€Å"There appeared in Manila a great number of ships from China, without the customary goods, but rather loaded with men and weapons.On board were seven mandarins, counted As regards this massacre and the problems of interpretation that arise from consulting and comparing Chinese and Spanish sources, see my recent paper â€Å"Consideraciones en torno a la imagen de Koxinga vertida por Victorio Ricci en Occidente. † Encuentros en Catay, n. 10, 1996. 8 There are discrepancies between Argensola and Morga, although these are more a question of details than of arguments. 9 Argensola, Conquista de las†¦, p. 210 7 Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 3 among the senior Viceroys or Governors of their provinces†¦ nd they went to visit Don Luis with great pomp and an escort of men†¦ saying that they were on the lookout for Chinese who were going about those lands without license. †10 Dasmarinas welcomed them and gave each one a gold chain. In the end, he concluded that they had come either to conquer or to sack Manila, but changed their minds when they saw the presence of the Spanish armada. Argensola adds that since the Chinese who killed Dasmarinas’ father were from Quan Chou, he sent Fernando de Castro, a cousin of his, to that province to give an account of the mutiny.However, the trip was forestalled due to the bad weather. It is noteworthy that neither Argensola nor Morga says that the Dasmarinas took advantage of the situation to take up the matter with the mandarins (although it seems that he did, as deduced from the Chinese sources that we shall now see). For example, the Dong Xi Yang Gao is more exhaustive in this respect. It states that Luis Dasmarinas (called Maulin here), immediately after replacing his father, sent some priests to inform the Chinese authorities in Macao about the uprising.These priests bore a letter, the translation of which is conserved in the Chinese sources. It also adds that the magistrates of Fujian continued to send merchant vessels to bring back the Chinese who had been living in Luzon for too long. According to Argensola, this detail coincides with what the mandarins explained to Dasmarinas. The Chinese chronicle continues: â€Å"The governor of Luzon provided these ships with food and also gave them a letter (addressed to the Chinese government). He verbally aired his complaints about the way the Chinese treated the murdered governor, his father.And he gave them an edict, sealed in a gold box which, together with the abovementioned letter, was wrapped in red silk and sent to China on a merchant vessel. †11 The â€Å"three mandarins† arrive in Manila (May 1603) We have said that the abovementioned incident does not seem to have anything to do with the one that took place nine years later. However, the parallelism is great, as we shall now see. The events arising from the arrival of another group of mandarins are well documented in the Spanish sources. There are three types of information that are all complimentary.Those from the royal officials, that is, those from the Governor, Don Pedro de Acuna, as well as the listeners of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, who show themselves to be hostile to and suspicious of the governor. The sources of the ecclesiastics, and in the third place, the information that the Chinese themselves give, and which they offer in c onsideration of the Spanish authorities. In particular, a letter written four days before in the sea by Chanchian, the head of the Chinese expedition, and which is submitted to the governor who sends it immediately for translation.Likewise, two more documents corresponding to some â€Å"petitions of Chinese to the Chinese emperor†, which ended up in the hands of Archbishop Benavides who translated them. He sent the king his own letter where—â€Å"enriched† after his own 10 11 Idem, p. 212. The Dong Xi Yang Kao contains the Chinese translation of Dasmarinas’ letter which he gave to the mandarins. Here, the same facts are given, except that the apparent motive of the uprising was more of greed (the ship was loaded with much gold and silver) than of the cruelty received in the hands of the foremen of the ship, as Argensola would have put it.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 4 inquiries—he makes a very complete analysis of the situation12. T hough actually we do not know if Benavides made them Public or not, and therefore if they have to be considered as part of the information that the Spaniards had then. Gathering together all the reports (Argensola’s and those of the two judges of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, both hostile toward the governor, Pedro de Acuna), this series of events might have had taken place as follows: Friday, May 23. Three mandarins landed in Manila, displaying their insignias as judges.With great pomp and an entourage of 50, they sought an audience with the Governor and gave him a letter written four days earlier in the high seas. In the said letter, signed by Chanchian, military chief of Fujian, the mandarins expounded the reason for this trip. They wished to verify the existence of a fabulous mountain in Cavite, believed to yield 100,000 taeles of gold and 300,000 taeles of silver a year. They claimed that everyone could go and dig there and that the Chinese ha ve already taken a great quantity of these metals back to China.Chanchian also indicated that he had with him a fellow named Tio Heng, the man who reported to the emperor of the existence of the said mountain, as well as a eunuch called Cochay, who received specific orders from the emperor to investigate the matter. Another mandarin was present, besides Cochay and the immediate chief of Chanchian. 13 He added that he did not believe in the existence of such a mountain, and presumed it to be a lie. Nevertheless, the Governor had nothing to fear, since it was his duty to look into the matter.Afterwards, the Governor had them housed in special lodgings inside the city. The fact that they flaunted their insignias as judges and that the Governor allowed them to do so, incurred the ire of the members of the Audiencia. From May 24 to May 26 (Saturday to Monday), the mandarins begin to mete justice on their countrymen. Meanwhile, Salazar, the fiscal of the Audiencia, carries out his own inv estigation. Within this period, the governor allows the mandarins to bring their entourage to Tondo, where the Christian sangleys live. May 27 (Tuesday).Salazar presents a report in a public session of the Audiencia. The report is approved and the governor requested to stop the operations of the mandarins so that the investigations may continue. The friction between the Audiencia 12 It does not remain clear how Benavides obtained the two documents, and if he made them known to the governor or not. The first (document) is similar in structure to the letter which the governor received from the mandarins, the translation of which he sent to the King, but much more extensive and detailed.Therefore the said document perhaps may be a different version from the letter, made by memory (since he possibly helped in the verbal translation of that thing) and completed a posteriori with his own investigations, since at the end of that letter he said: â€Å"I am a man who knows the language of t hese Chinese and I know a lot about their things and customs of China by having lived with them for many months and I made it also because I take up this business with suspicion and care as these can be advisors who advise badly on it because of not understanding it† (Colin & Pastells, II, p. 415).The second document, different from the letter, is a remonstrance of the emperor by one of his officials. The mandarins presented it to the governor with the intention of giving more credibility to his own letter. Given that the Spaniards did not seem to take it into account, we will not deal with it now, but we will go back to it at the end of our study for its clarificatory value. 13 Note that the spelling of the names correspond to the free style of transcribing that the Spanish translator had of the Fujianese pronunciation of the names ( the translation of the document that appears on Blair & Robertson, vol.XII, pp. 83-97, points out in the heading which was made by a Dominican). As will be seen later , the correspondence in mandarin is as follows: Chunchian seems to correspond to Gan Yi-chen, Tio Heng to Zhang Yi and Cochay to Gao Tsai. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 5 and the Governor worsens. Moreover, the judges of the Audiencia complain of being relegated to the sidelines. In the following days, the Audiencia desisted its moves because the Governor finally published an edict prohibiting the mandarins from administering their justice and from flaunting their insignias.On the eve of their departure, they go to Cavite to see the said mountain. With them are Second Lieutenant Cervantes, as well as by the governor of the sangleys, Juan Bautista de Vera,14 who seems to have been around all the while. There, Tio Heng, unable to satisfactorily clear himself of the deception, had the Spaniards bearing down on him with threats of death. However, the mandarins intercede for his pardon. The Spaniards grow even more suspicious. On the day of their dep arture, the Governor receives the mandarins and honors them with some gifts.As he sends them off, they apologize for the mix-up they have caused and thus sailed back to China. We can better know the identities of these mandarins and further clarify the case by examining complimentary data from the Chinese sources. In this attempt to consolidate diverse information, we can conclude that the speaker of the group was the mandarin Gan Yi-chen (Chanchian in the letter), a centurion and was probably the military chief of Fujian. The second mandarin (not mentioned in the letter) was Wang Shi-ho, the magistrate of the Hai Cheng district, where many of the Chinese immigrants came from.The third mandarin must have been the eunuch Gao Tsai (who appears in the letter as Cochai). Accompanying these three dignitaries were Zhang Yi (Tio Heng) and Yang Ying-long, who were the ones who informed the emperor in Beijing of the said mountain of gold. Yang Ying-long was another centurion whom the Chinese sources accuse of collaborating with Zhang Yi (who probably used the former’s clout to get an audience with the emperor and consequently win his favor).The emperor actually allowed the said expedition despite opposition from various people in his court who not only thought it a ridiculous project, but which could also be a source of trouble. According to these sources, one might think that the two magistrates Gan Yichen and Wang Shi-ho were also of the same opinion. In fact, the latter was so vexed that he died soon after they arrived in Fujian. The other magistrates reported Zhang Yi’s behavior to the emperor, demanding that he be punished for trying to deceive the imperial government and for bringing about its humiliation in a foreign land.The role of Gao Tsai, on the other hand, is more difficult to interpret. Some sources picture him as the superintendent of the said Beijing expedition, while others show him as Fujian’s quartermaster general for taxes, who makes a living off the Chinese maritime trade. The Ming Shi Lu gives its version of the conduct of these three: â€Å"The diabolical Fujianese Zhang Yi, came up with an evil plan to propose the excavation of a gold mine in Luzon. But his real intention was to conspire with the eunuchs and provoke the barbarians.Yang Ying-long was his partner†¦Zhang Yi was beheaded and [his head] shown to the coastal provinces as a warning to people of his kind. † 15 Lastly, it is worth pointing out that the Chinese sources coincide with those Spanish ones in indicating that this entire trip had been the proximate cause of the Spanish suspicions and the subsequent massacre which took place four months afterwards. 14 A Chinese who arrived in Manila during the times of the pirate Limahon, whom he had served. At that time, he was appointed governor of the sangleys and was â€Å"respected by the Spaniards and loved by the sangleys† (Argensola, p. 30. He was also known as â€Å"Eng Kan g† (Rizal), â€Å"Encan† (Argensola) and â€Å"Encang† (Tellez de Almazan). 15 MSL, Chapter 404 (Vol. XII. P. 12090). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 6 But, the question is if the dispatch had been an advance party or not, and if it came to study the possibility of invasion of Manila—whether it was piratical or in an organized form. At the moment, the Spaniards could not know it, although an excess of suspicions could turn itself into an untenable situation that might end up out of control. It was precisely what happened.The massacre of 1603 a) The preparation On December 18, 1603, once the incident that we are about to see had ended, Governor Pedro de Acuna wrote the king an account wherein he explained in retrospect his behavior during the whole event. He begins by saying that the arrival of the mandarins had made him suspect a possible invasion from China. This was why his eventual moves, preventive and defensive in nature, were limited to the following: 1. – To create space, he ordered the demolition of the houses in the Parian that was adjacent to the walls of the city.This, at the same time, corrected some of the wall’s defects. 2. – He asked the mayors of the district and the magistrates of the Parian to submit to him a list of immigrants under their jurisdiction and of the weapons in their possession. They were also asked to indicate whether these people were to be trusted or not. The order was fulfilled. 3. – He carried out regular inspections of the artisans (blacksmiths, etc. ) in particular, and commissioned the manufacture of bows, arrows, pikes, etc. for the royal storehouse.At the same time, he ordered that all these weapons be collected and transported. 4. – Just in case, he had provisions stored. 5. – He hired sangleys to build a canal with the end of creating a moat for the city, if ever the need arises. Acuna also points out a distinction that is also mentioned in other Spanish sources: that between the Chinese merchants, who have settled for years in the Parian, and the recent arrivals who were vagabonds and troublemakers who had nothing to lose and who could not return to China due to the crimes they had committed. 6 Acuna hangs the blame of the succeeding events on these Chinese, since they were the ones who paved the way for everything, â€Å"in order to bring the merchants and the peaceful people to their side, convincing them that the measures that were being taken were meant to kill the Chinese. † 17 The Chinese sources, on the other hand, also echo some of Acuna’s positions, but presenting these under an offensive point of view, coloring the thing differently and relating these to what directly affected them. For example, the Huang Ming Xiang Hsu Lu shows that the Spaniards repared for the massacre way ahead of time, since â€Å"they began to buy from the Chinese all the metal objects that they had. The Chinese, on the other hand, sold all the iron they found because they saw that they could profit from it. † (point 3 from Acuna). 18 This same idea is found in the Ming Shi, which also adds that â€Å"the Chinese were obliged to register their names and to be divided into groups of 300†19 (point 2 from Acuna). 16 To better differentiate the Chinese groups, see Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life, 18501898 (Yale University Press, 1965), pp. 6-11. 17 Blair & Robertson, vol. XII, p. 154 18 HMXHL, Chapter 5, Luzon. 9 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8372) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 7 b) The beginning: Sangley uprising or Chinese pogrom? Another interesting issue to consider is that of who started it first. The Spanish sources (Morga, Argensola, Acuna, etc. ) emphatically state: the Chinese staged an uprising. Benavides, the bishop of Manila, noted in a letter to the king that â€Å"the multitude of Chinese was so great, among them, base and vicious men who spread the r umor (which is absolutely false, but not for them) that the Spaniards were going to kill every one of them, which was why they provoked a rebellion on the night of the eve of St.Francis. They armed themselves and on that day killed several Spaniards who pursued them, among them, Luis Perez de Dasmarinas. †20 On December 18, when everything was over, Governor Pedro de Acuna told the king that â€Å"according to the investigations†¦ and what some of those involved had declared, it goes without saying that the uprising was instigated from China, and the stage set by all, if not some, of the mandarins who had been here. † 21 According to the Spanish sources (since the Chinese are silent about it), the Chinese had also been girding themselves for it.The Chinese Juan Bautista de Vera had been constructing a more or less fortified zone half-a-league from Tondo (which Argensola calls a â€Å"sugar refinery†), where some provisions and arms were stored. c) The unfold ing of events The actual struggle is already well known because it is what was most interesting to relate to the Spaniards. To summarize, we basically follow Morga’s account: The evening of October 3 (Friday). The uprising was scheduled to take place on the last day of November, but realizing that they were going to be discovered, the sangleys move it to the third of October.On this day, at 11 pm, about 2000 men (or â€Å"according to the sangley who was under torture, 40 captains to 150 men†), begin to gather in the â€Å"fort† of Tondo. That night, Juan Bautista de Vera visits the governor to inform him of what was happening. Thinking that de Vera was in cahoots with them, the governor throws him into prison. The Chinese, noting de Vera’s absence, appoint another Christian sangley, Juan Untae, de Vera’s godson, to replace him. 22 That same night, Luis Dasmarinas secures himself in the monastery of Binondo with a small group of soldiers.The Chines e fly into action, burning some houses and then returning to their â€Å"fort. † The morning of October 4 (Saturday). The sangleys of the Parian (that is, the peaceful old-timers identified with the Spaniards, some of whom are Christian) are asked to enter the city, but they refuse to do so due to doubts as to who would be the victor in this conflict. They decide to remain in the Parian. Dasmarinas leaves Binondo for Tondo to fortify himself in the church with 140 harquebusiers. A thousand and five hundred Chinese rebels show up. There is a fight to take over the church.Five hundred Chinese die, while the rest retreat to the â€Å"fort†. Dasmarinas pursues them and dies in the attempt. The Spaniards are thrown into confusion. October 5 (Sunday). Realizing that de Vera was not going to come, the rebels kill Untae and coerce the Parian residents into joining forces with them. As they make for Manila, they ravage everything that comes their way. The city puts up a tough r esistance and many men die. In the evening, they retreat to the Parian and to Dilao. The 20 21 Blair & Robertson. Vol. XII, p. 143. Idem, vol. XII, p. 155. 2 Sangley general Hontay (Argensola), or Juan Ontal (Tellez de Almazan). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 8 Spaniards likewise press the Parian residents to side with them. Overcome by this psychological stress, some Chinese—among them, a relative of de Vera—hang themselves. Both sides brace themselves for a second attack. October 6 (Monday). Another assault and renewed resistance. A Spaniard, with the help of a Japanese corps, launches an unsuccessful offensive. An armada of Pintados suddenly makes its way through the river and blasts the Chinese lines with canons.They divide themselves into three and penetrate the inland. One group makes for the Tingues of Pasig, another for Ayonbon [Bayombong] and the third, the most numerous, for Laguna de Bay, the mountains of San Pablo and the province of Batangas. October 8 (Wednesday) and the succeeding days: The Chinese abandon the city. The Spaniards are hot in their pursuit. It seems that the first two groups are easily annihilated, since nothing more is said of them. The third group, starving and unarmed, leave a path of devastation. Luis de Velasco with 70 of his men is at their heels, killing many each day.Finally, Velasco perishes at the hands of the Chinese who set up fort in San Pablo. Argensola adds that the native Filipinos, instead of siding with the Chinese, lent a hand in the massacre. October 20. A new detachment of Spaniards, Japanese and 1500 natives of Pampanga and the Tagalog provinces is formed in Manila. They soon finish off all the Chinese who secured themselves in San Pablo and Batangas. The rebellion is quelled. October 22 (Argensola’s date). Juan de Vera faces trial. In the succeeding days, other Chinese meet the same fate. Only 300 are pardoned, but the rest are sent to the galleys.The Chinese sources are le ss detailed in describing the operations, perhaps due to the handful of sangleys who survived. It is thus more difficult to establish a clear parallelism between the two accounts, since they cite actions that are not mentioned in the Spanish sources. Consequently, there is much discrepancy. The Ming Shi relates that when the Chinese discovered the Spaniards’ plot to massacre them, they â€Å"retreated to Tsai Yuen (which may be translated as â€Å"the plantation† and which may refer to Juan Bautista de Vera’s strategic â€Å"fort† and to Argensola’s â€Å"sugar refinery†). 3 Then, the Spanish â€Å"chief† sent soldiers to go after them (this may well refer to Luis Dasmarinas’ move or to the arrival of the army of Pintados). The Chinese were unarmed. Many were killed and the survivors fled to the Talun Mountain. 24 The Spaniards attacked the mountain once more, while the Chinese put up a desperate defense. The Spaniards suffere d momentary defeat, which their â€Å"chief† (probably the captain of the expedition or the Governor himself) regretted, moving him to negotiate a truce. The Chinese, thinking that this was some trick, killed the messengers, thus driving the Spanish â€Å"chief† to exasperation.He abandoned their mountain camp and retreated to the neighboring town, simultaneously setting up ambush parties in the surrounding areas. The Chinese rebels were starving and so decided to go down the mountain and plunder the town,25 only to be ambushed by the Spanish troops. Twenty five thousand Chinese perished in the mas23 CHEN, Mattew. O. P. â€Å"The Ming Records of Luzon,† in The Chinese in the Philippines, Historical Conservation Society, Manila, 1966, p. 250. According to the translator’s note, this place is the presentday San Miguel district, although we do not see any further proof to this. 24 Ibid.Matthew Chen, in another note, indicates that this place was close to wha t is now known as the city of Makati. The rest of the account probably recounts the travails of the first or second group of the three groups of Chinese who fled, since we know nothing more of their fate from the Spanish references. The data does not seem to refer to the third group that went to San Pablo de los Montes and Batangas. Moreover, this reference is unusual, since there are no mountains close to the Makati area. 25 Matthew Chen seems to assume that this town was none other than Manila. But neither is this clear. Itinerario, vol. 3, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 9 sacre26. The Dong Xi Yang Kao offers a different denouement to this final massacre, coloring it with superstitious, even apocalyptic visions. It says that when the Chinese descended the Talun Mountain to attack the town, 10,000 of them were killed in an ambush, while others fled to the valleys and died there of starvation. Then it adds: â€Å"There was a strong downpour while they were on the Talun Mountain, and as th ey stood beneath the rain, they saw something shine out in the midnight sky. There was an earthquake. The Chinese panicked and began to kill each other by mistake.The Spaniards, taking advantage of the situation, were able to kill many of them. That same month, a flood in Chang Chou took the lives of over 10,000 families. †27 The aftermath After the massacre, the Spaniards carried out three steps. First, the attempt to clarify if the uprising had been in connivance with China or not, and in connection with the coming of the three mandarins. Various testimonies given by the Governor seem to indicate this, but their validity is doubtful since they were obtained through torture. The royal officials insist on the same idea, e. g. , Argensola.Nevertheless, it is something which is never presented as sufficiently proved and that he insists that with the principal aim of justifying the killing. In this way, Juan Bautista de Vera would have been more of a scapegoat than the one respon sible for a conspiracy (Rizal’s thesis). Secondly, the Spaniards made an inventory of the goods of the massacred rebels, which they placed at the disposition of their families. This was made known through a mission to Fujian; second, an attempt to resume the necessary trade relations. As regards the latter, Argensola (who seems to have occasionally copied Morga in this point), explains that Capt.Marco de la Cueva was sent to Macao with the Dominican Luis Gandullo to inform the Portuguese of what had happened and so that they might be forewarned of â€Å"rumors of war† from China. At the same time, they brought letters for the â€Å"tutones, aytaos and visitadores† of the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian, explaining the conduct of the Chinese and the Spaniards’ response. What happened was not only known in Macao; news of Spaniards in Macao and the reason for their presence there soon reached Quan Chou, which was why â€Å"the wealthy Captains Guansan, Si nu and Guanchan, who regularly traded in Manila,† went to see them.They gave their own conjectures about what really happened, brought letters to the mandarins, and encouraged the merchants and ships of Quan Chou to go to Manila. Cueva’s mission was a success, for soon after his return—in May of 1604—13 ships from China arrived, filling up two ships bound that same year for New Spain with their cargo. Thus end the Spanish accounts. The Chinese sources, besides being very detailed (in this case, they were interested in formulating a more complete evaluation of the event), also coincide with the Spanish references.For example, the inventory of goods is mentioned in the Dong Xi Yang Kao: â€Å"The Spanish governor had all the possessions of the Chinese immigrants stored in big warehouses, marked with the names of their owners. Then he wrote the magistrate of Fujian, urging the relatives of the deceased to go to Manila to collect their belongings. But there w as a Chinese 26 27 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8373). DXYK, Chapter 5: Luzon (p. 59) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 10 called Huang, a good friend of the governor, who, pretending to be a relative of one of the massacred, fraudulently went off with some goods. 28 However, what is even more interesting is the final evaluation made by the emperor and officials of Fujian who were then deciding on whether or not they should resume trade relations with the Spaniards. We came across two versions of the official act, the first of which is found in the Ming Shi: â€Å"The Magistrate Xu Xue-ju29 sent a report to the court. The emperor was shaken and began to mourn for the dead. On the 12th month of the year 32 (1604), he called on his official magistrates to investigate the case. These officials presented their conclusions in the court. The emperor said: â€Å"Zhang Yi, etc. ave deceived the imperial court and brought about conflict in a foreign land. Twenty thousand people and commo ners have been massacred. They have disgraced our Empire. Their execution is not deemed an excess. They must be beheaded and their heads shown to all seas. But the governor of Luzon murdered people without license. We shall leave the officials to decide his punishment and they shall inform us of this. Hsu Hsue-ju wrote the authorities of Luzon, accusing the governor of massacre and demanding that the widows and children of the victims be sent back to China. For the moment, China did not launch a punitive attack on Luzon.Afterwards, the Chinese began to return to Luzon in trickles, and the Spaniards, seeing the profitability of commerce with China, did not prevent the Chinese from reestablishing themselves there. The Chinese population began to grow once more. †30 The second more extensive report is found in the Ming Jing Shi Wen Pien, which contains the report made by the said Administrative Commissioner of Fujian, Xu Xue-ju, who explains his move, and the memorandum he sent t o the emperor, particularly the so-called â€Å"Report to Emperor Wan-li regarding the recall of Chinese merchants in Luzon,† of the Ming Jing Shi Wen Pien31.Here, Xu Xue-ju begins to speak for himself, situating the problem, and declaring afterwards that he sent an edict-letter to Luzon after having reviewed the problem from its early stages. He acknowledges that Zhang Yi’s deception caused the massacre, and takes the blame for it. However, he considers the Spanish intervention, as unacceptable, unlicensed by the Emperor (up to here, the anterior document is repeated almost verbatim).Consequently, the magistrate of Fujian clamors for vengeance, citing that what is most unjust in the Spanish maneuver is their non-recognition of the fact that the development of Luzon was greatly due to the hard work of the Chinese living there. There was no response from the Emperor, and so he was sent another communication bearing the same message. The emperor ultimately rejected the m ove, basing his decision on these five points: 1. – Due to their long tradition in trade and commerce, the people of Luzon were practically their subjects. 2. – The antagonism, as well as the confrontation, took place outside of China. . – The merchants are humble folk and, therefore, not worth waging battle for. 4. – These merchants, upon going to Luzon, abandoned their families without considering their filial ties. 5. – An expedition to Luzon will only drain their armed forces. The theme was certainly discussed 28 29 DXYK, Chapter 5: Luzon (p. 60) The figure of Xu Xue-ju is both well known and respected (Dictionary of the Ming Biography, Vol. I, pp. 582-585). In 1591, he was appointed Assistant Commissioner for Surveillance in Hukuang and was soon after named Administrative Commissioner in Fujian, a post which he held until 1607.Consequently, he was able to gather first-hand information on all the happenings, from their very beginnings. 30 MS, C hapter 323 (p. 8373). 31 MJSWB, Chapter 433 (p. 4728). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 11 in the court, creating a great tension, and its reverberations were prolonged for a long time, even until 1605, when Mateo Ricci made some comments about it. 32 Thus, Xu Xue Ju was left with no other recourse than to end this letter with a warning to the Spaniards: they should be grateful to the emperor, they must change their attitude, and they should restore the properties of those who perished in the massacre.Only with this shall trade be resumed. On the other hand, if they do not comply with these demands, then they would send thousands of warships with the families of the deceased aboard, along with mercenaries from the vassal states to conquer and divide Luzon among themselves. 33 Thus ends the letter sent to the Philippines. Conclusions To better understand the general process of the massacre, particularly, that of â€Å"the three mandarins,† in Manila, the proximate cause of the massacre, we must make four contexts. Besides, they were perfectly alluded by Benavides in that letter he sent the King dated 5 July 1603, which was accompanied by those two singular documents already cited in the beginning of this paper. ) In the first place, it is proper to point out that the time in which these events took place was marked by a rampant increase of piracy in Chinese waters, as well as by the express prohibition that Chinese subjects engage in maritime commerce at a time when it was gaining popularity in the international arena. Consequently, it was common practice for Chinese patrons to seek alternative and profitable solutions.Under such circumstances, Manila was considered an important center for the export of silver in Southeast Asia (thanks to the coming of ships from New Spain), just when the demand for this metal was on the rise in China. Because of this, it is not surprising that Manila’s neighbors take interest in this fragile colony, o r that new risks arise: principally, the unexpected invasion of Japanese pirates and, from 1600 onwards, the appearance of Dutch pirates. (Olivier de Noort). Taken within this context, Manila was regularly flooded with Chinese with eyes set on establishing themselves there.Now, even if this meant a contribution to the city’s progress via their artisan skills, they increasingly posed themselves as a threat to the Spanish populace, who made up only 10% of the total number of Chinese in the city. The Chinese menace was certainly confirmed in 1593, when 250 hired Chinese contract workers assassinated the governor of the Philippines; and also, presumably, in 1594 when seven mandarins appeared with great pomp and veiled motives at the helm of a fully-equipped armada; and was indeed alarming when more mandarins reappeared in 1603 to mete justice on their compatriots.Authors like Argensola do not doubt their intentions. In their accounts, they throw in descriptions of how eight Chine se trade junks arrived in Manila while the mandarins were there, assuring the Spaniards of the real purpose of the Chinese conquest. Besides, he adds, while the mandarins pressured Zhang Yi to explain the existence of the mountain of gold, he would whisper— according to the interpreters or naguatatos (Argensola said)—that what he had wanted to say was that Luzon had so much gold that it was worth conquering. 32In the beginning of 1605, Ricci pointed out in a letter: â€Å"It was spoken much in the cort, and we feared that some harm could come from all these [due to the possibility that it might be associated with the Spaniards. ]† See Jonathan Spence, The Memory Palace of Mateo Ricci, Penguin Books, 1985, p. 216. 33 This same letter was sent to the Spaniards who translated it. Argensola published it shortly afterwards. It is interesting to note that the two versions closely coincide with each other, but of the five points indicated by the emperor, Argensola†™s translation only gathered numbers 1, 2 and 4.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 12 The figure of Zhang Yi (a carpenter, according to Benavides) probably brings together the images of fortune hunter, pervert (as the Chinese sources put it) and dreamer who see in Manila’s regular influx of traders from Quan Chou and Chang Chou, the possibility of Chinese expansion and personal gain. Here is a man capable of conjuring his own utopia—a place where mountains produce gold. He not only ends up believing the tale, but also manages to persuade the emperor himself to authorize an exploration. 4 Although the Chinese magistrates accused him of â€Å"going out with all this to look for people to steal and to rob and to be a corsair† (Chinese documents of Benavides). The conflict that was bound to take place with the Spaniards—men also accustomed to pursuing an El Dorado—had no other alternative but to erupt. In the second place, we should conside r another fact that made possible the increasing acceptance of Chinese in Manila. The Spaniards, in particular, the Provincials of the religious orders, admitted that they have gone too far disobeying the royal ordinances that prohibited the growth of the Chinese population beyond 6000.This norm was obliterated by the profits gained from the granting of each new license. The Bishop of Nueva Segovia, Fr. Diego de Soria, thus commented: â€Å"†¦ it was a generally said that the number of Chinese in the uprising reached 23-24,000, even if the judges declare that they hardly came up to 8000, a figure which these same judges further reduced, because they are primarily responsible for the uprising through the liberal granting of licenses to Chinese who wish to remain in Manila. These licenses were sold at five tostones each.There was a judge who was able to collect a total of 60,000 tostones, or the equivalent 30,000 pesos, out of the said licenses. †35 In the third place, and now setting our sights back to China, it is worth considering Wan Li’s style of government—concretely, his politics of assigning eunuchs as revenue agents and quarter master generals of the mines. 36 The system saw its beginnings in 1596; by 1599, it was already widely practiced. This procedure was meant to correct deficient tax legislation which, in turn, brought about a lax and corrupt administration.Entrusting this function to eunuchs imposed a certain kind of general auditing system. But as the eunuchs carried out their jobs, they also interfered with the regular government functions. Besides, the posts were usually occupied by fortune hunters and scalawags, owing to the absence of a precedent and a clear-cut process of organizing a regular staff. Sometimes, tax collection at the mines would be reduced to a form of extortion that would then be sabotaged by rival officers; and more often than not, this reated social problems. 37 34 A brief observation: A Frenchman, Rene Jouglet, passing by the Philippines in 1931, hearing about the treasures of the pirate Limahon, published in Paris, in 1936, an imaginative book called La ville perdue, where he mentions that the treasures of the pirate —which may have been hidden in Cavite or Pangasinan thirty years before the massacre— had been the cause of various Chinese expeditions, the last of which was in 1603.See Cesar Callanta, The Limahon Invasion, New Day Publishers, Quezon City, 1989, p. 69. 35 For this, see the letter of Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, Provincial of the Dominicans and Commissioner of the Holy Office (Blair & Robertson), as well as the adjoining note of the translator who comments on the Royal Decree of June 13 (Barcelona), which restricted the presence of Chinese nationals in Manila. 36 See RAY HUANG, â€Å"Lung-ch’ing and Wan-li reign, 1567-1620† in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. , Part I, pp. 530-532. 37 We may sight the following examples. In 1599: inspector Ma Tang so provoked the merchants of Linqing (Changdong) that they burned down his house and left him half-dead; Cheng Feng, assigned as tax and mines inspector of Huguang, caused a mutiny among the inhabitants of Wuchuang; textile mill work- Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 13 Taking into account these circumstances, it is easy to come up with a final, fitting interpretation of the figure of the eunuch Gao Tsai.For one, among the many diverse possibilities one could think of, he might have been the one who defended the ambitious projects of fortune hunters like Zhang Yi or the corrupt behavior of officials like Yang Ying-long, against the courtiers of Beijing and the magistrates of Fujian, like Gan Yi-chen, Wang Shi-ho and, most specially, Xu Xue-ju. Benavides saw it clearly since the first moment: â€Å"Because the Emperor has â€Å"men of gold and women of silver made† and invited them to drink, so he sent a eunuch to each of their kingdoms; an d these eunuchs, to get gold and silver for the Emperor, impose a lot of taxes on he vassals, and the empire of Chine felt so oppressed with all this that publicly the Chines here [the Philippines] tell us that within two years more or less there 38 will be communities and uprisings in China. † The figure of Gao Tzai appears again in the following year (1604), when the Dutch were in the Pescadores islands trying to establish trade with China. He sent a mission to the Dutch in the aforementioned islands, trying to solicit gifts of high value for himself and for the Emperor.Dong Xi Yang Kao and Ming Shi notified the governor, Xu Sue-ju, and the officials of Fujian province to oppose the actuation of the eunuch by sending the touzy (Admiral), Shen You-rong, with a battleship to the coast of the province in order to stop the plans of the eunuch, Gao Tzai. 39 It is evident that the recent happenings in Manila had been the last vindication which Xu Xue-ju encountered in order to opp ose the politics of the eunuch—this time with force, as shown in the presence of Shen You-rong. 40 ers of Suzhou staged a demonstration against revenue agent Sun Long.In 1603: Wang Zhao, coal mines inspector of Xishan (Beijing), encountered opposition from among the miners who held a demonstration in Beijing. In 1606: Yang Rong found the revenue office burnt down by the miners of Yunnan. See also Bai Shouyi and others. In A Brief History of China, Vol. I, with editions in other languages, Beijing, 1984, pp. 348-349. 38 Colin & Pastells, Op. cit. , vol. II, p. 415. In fact, it is not strange the clarity of the observations of the Dominican Benavides about the eunuchs, since he knew in detail the recent experience of another Dominican, Diego de Aduarte, which preceded the ones cited in the previous note.In effect, Aduarte left Manila for Macao on September 6, 1598, with the aim of paying the ransom for the â€Å"Gentleman Don Luis† in Canton. He arrived there 20 days aft er, and coincided with the eunuch, Liculifu (sic), who — upon knowing the presence of the foreigner— tortured him and extorted from him most of the money he carried. In the end, Aduarte had no other remedy but to borrow the money. The entire story is related by Aduarte himself in his autobiographical work entitled, Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores de Filipinas, Japon y China, Zaragoza, 1693, pp. 14-219. At the same time, Mateo Ricci himself recounts how one of the catholic servants who acted as a mail carrier, also in 159899, was robbed, murdered and thrown into a river because he denied paying commissions, everything was probably made in connection with the legal pressure—according to Spence—which were provoked by the eunuchs. See Jonathan Spence, Op. cit. , p. 215. 39 This theme was studied by Leonard Blusse in â€Å"Inpo, Chinese Merchant in Pattani: a Study in early Dutch-Chinese relations† (1977), p. 294.B lusse mentions —the Chinese sources and Gao Tzai mentioned as well— how a strange individual â€Å"with exotic tales such as the eating of live children’s brains;† how Shen You-rong, an exemplary Confucian official who wrote a book collecting the panegyrics which his friends dedicated to him. 40 You can read the resume of this person already cited in the Dictionary of the Ming Biography, vol. II, pp. 1192-1194. Shen You-rong gained prestige through this action, but Gao Tzai, resenting him, opposed whatever compensation to be given to him, and in the autumn of 1606, obtained that he be sent to a secondary military post in the province of Zhejiang.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 14 In the fourth place, and so that we may understand why the local magistrates of Fujian could not act on this problem according to their own standards, we are now going to consider the figure of Emperor Wan Li himself and his style of government, many times branded as indolent, irresponsible and indecisive, making him disregard any unpleasant advice and the remonstrations of his officers. 41 His inaction encouraged partisanship which fostered antagonism between the emperor and his court.The emperor became more withdrawn and his court dealings increasingly confined to written communication which, more than once, he would intentionally refuse to read. These descriptions of Wan Li perfectly explain the difficulties encountered by his officers, as culled from the Chinese sources: their inability to put a stop to the exploration of the â€Å"mountain of gold,† their forced collaboration with this expedition out of pure call of duty, even if they knew that they were indirectly protecting detestable fortune hunters.Consequently, during the reign of Emperor Wan Li, the coastal provinces seemed to be very much cut off from Beijing, which was why the mandarins had to choose between loyalty to the emperor and petty conflicts of local concern. And wh en the situation became out of hand, even persons like Xu Xue-ju (an honorable magistrate) sought pragmatic solutions to put an end to a hopeless predicament.This, at least, seems to be confirmed in Chapter 47 of Guo Que which makes a general summary of all that had happened in the months after the massacre: â€Å"The barbarians are afraid that China launches a punitive act against Luzon, which is why they sent some spies to Macao. However, the magistrates of Fujian and Guangdong did not want to report this. They only told the emperor half the truth, which is why the emperor only ordered the 42 people of Luzon: stop creating more problems! And thus the things remained as they were. † 41 See Ray Huang, Op. cit. , pp. 514-517.We have a most valuable testimony corresponding to the second document which Benavides translated and sent to the King of Spain, which carried a title he himself explains, â€Å"Copy of the petition which the supreme magistrate of the province or the reig n of hongkong gave to the King of China in order to persuade him not to listen to some Chinese who, in the year 1603, wanted to come from China to do battle and take the land of Luzon (Philippines) and that the King gave license and consent. † Cf. Colin & Pastells, vol. II, pp. 416-417. 42 GQ, Chapter 79 (vol. 8, p. 4917) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 15

Advantages of Americans and British during war Essay

What advantages did the colonies have in the war for independence? What advantages did Britain have? The Revolutionary War was one of the most important events in history for America and Britain. The war, in a way, helped America become its own nation and declare independence from Britain. At the time of the Revolutionary War, the English were in control of the Americans. Both sides had crucial advantages over each other that decided the outcome of the war. Let’s start with colonists; one of the biggest advantages they had over Britain was they had a major cause for wanting to fight. They were fighting for their independence, pride, liberty and the rights they deserved. They had a desire to win which was probably stronger than England’s desire because they were fighting for their own cause. Another major advantage America had was how far away from home the British were. They were over 3,000 miles from home, leading to poor communication with supply lines and their leaders. America was unfamiliar territory for the English which was another major advantage the colonists had. It was difficult for the British to capture and hold territory because of how large America was. America knew the ins and outs of their own land, including where to hide and shortcuts. Another reason America had an advantage over Britain was that the English citizens were tired of war. The war had begun to turn into years and citizens were getting tired of paying taxes and just the war in general. In my opinion one of the biggest advantages the colonists had was how great a leader George Washington was. American soldiers were outnumbered and not as well trained as the English soldiers, but because of Washington’s brilliance and strategy it helped the colonists prevail over Britain. On the other hand Britain also had many advantages over the Americans. A major advantage the British had was they were very wealthy and could pay their soldiers to fight. They also had much more supplies for their troops then the Americans did. Not only were they wealthier, but their military leaders were also more experienced then Washington which is another advantage they had. Washington may have been a great leader for the American military but the British were far superior in experience. The biggest advantage the English had was the strength of their military. Not only was their military much stronger and bigger than America’s but it was the strongest military in the world. Most American soldiers were farmers, sailors and merchants with very little experience in  fighting. Another major advantage England had was that many of the colonists in America were still loyal to Britain. Many colonists were brought up to believe that they should stay loyal to their king and saw him as a protector. In conclusion, both the colonists and British had many advantages over each other. Even though the British had a far more superior Navy and more experienced military leaders, George Washington’s strategy helped the colonists prevail. In my opinion, I think one of the biggest reasons the Americans won the war was their pride to fight for their independence. They were fighting for a cause, to free themselves from a country that had been controlling their laws and the way they lived their lives. Both sides used their advantages against each other which is what made the war so interesting and why it lasted so many years.

Face-to-Face vs. Online Library Research Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Face-to-Face vs. Online Library Research - Essay Example From this activity, I learned that face-to-face library experience can provide more relevant information about local events than online library search, while traditional research also increases my knowledge about library use in general and my research topics; although it takes longer than online research and online research can access more resources sometimes faster and easier. Face-to-face library experience can give more relevant information about local events than online library search. Librarians and their assistants already know the â€Å"Get a Clue† program of UVU Library. Interviewing them offers comprehensive and updated information. They can tell me the history and purpose of â€Å"Get a Clue,† as well as outcomes and future plans. Online library sources, on the contrary, do not have access to the local knowledge and information that the librarians and assistants can offer me. Online research cannot offer opinions or perspectives also on â€Å"Get a Clue† as an important program for helping students become oriented on various library services and become comfortable in using them. As â€Å"Get a Clue† research shows, traditional library experience enables me to maximise the use of library services and resources more than online research. Online research is about sitting in front of a computer and mostly accessing materials from there, or finding reference numbers for finding non-online resources. I do not interact with library staff or learn more about old and new library services. On the opposite, face-to-face library search helps me know what other materials are present that I cannot access online, such as videos and other media resources. This research approach also allows me to know library services that can further advance my research. Thus, traditional research provides extra materials and knowledge that are not always accessible through online research. Face-to-face library research, however, has

Business Research Individual Work 1 Week 9 Essay

Business Research Individual Work 1 Week 9 - Essay Example CAT advances the previous technology, enables researcher to accurately report the coder reliability as well as validity, and encourages different new strategies that can be used for data analysis that are much simpler among other things. The data to be coded can be uploaded in CAT in different formats such as zip file, plain text files or even as xml-based files. With this technology, even after uploading the files that need coding, the researcher can trace the coding process and easily monitor its progress (Lu and Shulman, 2008). The other coding technological advance is the Computer Assisted Coding which is most effective on coding and data that is health related. The CAC coding technology is effective because it assists in analyzing gaps in health care, finding out the most appropriate use and costs as well as aid in providing better data results to evidence based medicine. It takes a very short time in analyzing the codes uploaded to the system which is helpful with records, it recalls the data coded within a period of six months hence enabling validation of the records and making it more reliable that traditional coding methods and it is very accurate and precise in its results (Dougherty, Seabold and White, 2013). Lastly is the barcode technology which is one of the most common ways of coding information and it is also easier to retrieve the information coded for analysis later on and discreetly for that matter as well. Information is stored in a series of white and black lines which are codes with numbers which represents specific information about the product after it has been researched. A barcode scanner then reads and translates the bar code into textual information which can then be analyzed or compared to others. This type of coding technology can be used in any setting from healthcare to the food industry to clothes industry among many others. There are

The Concepts of Professional and Professionalism Essay

The Concepts of Professional and Professionalism - Essay Example The professions have fallen under criticism for being elitist and protectionist in their efforts to act as a barrier to entry into the profession and a social shield for their members to protect their income as well as their reputation. Professional associations today are required to be more responsive, informed, ethical, and conscientious in their role of protecting the profession from unwarranted disgrace while reinforcing the public perception of integrity and honor within the professional association. Technology and specialization have resulted in the fragmentation of many professions. Membership in a professional association is most often based on specific skills and qualifications. Today, an association defines the occupation and categorizes the knowledge and skills according to the rigorous guidelines set by the state or the industry. The traditional model of the Professional Association as a limitation to entry into the profession has evolved into a post-modern taxonomic mode l at the cost of producing a student's well-rounded experience in teaching and learning. The professional association (PA) has been a natural outgrowth from the antiquated system of apprenticeship that gained acceptance into the craft, tradesmen, and occupational guilds of the middle ages. With the advent of the 16th century, more complex systems of economics, trade, specialization, and accountability emphasized the critical need of specific occupations to maintain the social order and provide for the governmentality of the nation-state (Evetts, 2003, p.405). By the middle of the 19th century, professionals would form associations that would serve to differentiate their members from the excluded non-members. Scottish accountants were forming PAs under the Royal Charter system for the purpose of gaining legitimacy. The monopolistic hold based on mystification and cultural capital needed for membership has eroded as we have seen in the legal profession. Medicine has been exposed to greater outside pressures and has lost much of their power due to a diminished autonomy. The blurring lines in education between higher education and further education have weakened occupational closure in the field of education. New delivery systems, online learning, continued professional development, and specialty courses have made the professions more accessible than ever.  

Siemens Social Performance Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Siemens Social Performance - Essay Example Siemens’ network has involved in different social and environmental aspects and the always act as a rich asset to different stakeholders in the business. They are socially committed and always remain the frontrunner in keeping the society safe and the environment hazard free. This international firm has put their investments in the ecological shelter and the industrial protection to preserve their potential feasibility and the extensive period of prosperity. They have also developed their pioneering machinery and tools for the management of wastewater to relieve the public of the problems associated with scarcity of water. â€Å"Siemens has developed alternating-current drive systems for the heavy trucks that transport the material at opencast mines. They ensure that diesel engines run within their optimal speed ranges. Compared with conventional diesel drives, these diesel-electric drive systems not only have a lower environmental impact, but also save fuel and cut operating costs. Gearless drive systems (GD) also help to reduce energy consumption.† (Environmental Issues and Social Aspects Make New Investments Necessary in Mining Area 2010). Currently, they have new programs like Siemens Generation21 and Siemens Caring Hands intended to serve the community in different ways. Siemens Generation21 is targeted for the education of youth all over the world to provide them a bright future. With these, they are helping the students with learning materials, research funds, and other training programs. Siemens have developed the Caring Hands program to help the public when they require it most through the contributions and social supports. â€Å"It covers a wide scope of activities including volunteering, disaster relief, social sponsorship, and supporting or donating funds to good causes.† (Corporate Social Responsibility

Jamar Dynamometer Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

Jamar Dynamometer - Assignment Example William A. Hammond MD sought after lifting up the condition of neurologists on top of that of universal practitioners, partially by the utilization of complicated tools like that of the handgrip dynamometer in addition to dynamograph. The community who invented these machines was time and again the individuals who utilized them, like that of the Dr. John Harvey Kellogg, Dr. William Hammond and Sir Francis Galton. There is limited information in relation to early on potency evaluation tools. a large number of the prehistoric writings have been mislaid throughout the wars in which the libraries have been damaged, like that of the library within Alexandria, which at its climax around 330 B.C. is alleged to have infatuated more than 700,000 papyrus rolls . The main objective of this assignment is to be able to create a document containing details regarding the assessment of grip strength using a Jamar Dynamometer as a standardized tool and Manual Muscle Strength as a non-standardized tool. Lately the American Society of Hand Therapists signified that a consistent arm positioning for hand strength tests, accomplished that the position of the upper limit may manipulate measurements, moreover suggested that the patient ought to be sitting with his shoulder objectively revolved, elbow bend at 90' plus the forearm with wrist in neutral position. While checking the capricious of wrist position, (RW, 1990) established no important variation in grip strength by test positions at 0' also 15' ulnar variation, 0' with 15' dorsiflexion, or else whichever grouping of these. The Jamar dynamometer had the maximum calibration accurateness of all the instruments checked. In most of the cases the arm ought to not be sustained by the inspector or else by a support. For grip strength determination, the dynamometer is placed vertically also in stripe with the forearm to preserve the typical forearm also wrist positions. For reliability, the handle of Jamar dynamometer is fixed at the seco nd handle position 3.8 cm for all the subjects. The protocol: To reduce the influences of the body position upon grip strength assessments, the normal protocol recommended by the American Society of Hand Therapists was utilized. With reference to them, a subject must be sitting within a straight backside chair with no arm rests amid the feet flat on the flooring, the shoulder within a neutral rotation as well as flexion. The elbow ought to be contracted to 900 by the forearm also wrist within neutral position. The protocol for the management of the dynamometer in the estimation of the grip strength together with the description of how to formulate the finest utilization of the calculated indexes, for experimental documentation functions together with

International Finance and Law Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

International Finance and Law - Assignment Example A close analysis of these two descriptions of the same product provides two different products. In the first document, it is evident that the traders are dealing with steel ingots, while in the second document; we cannot deduce which products the traders are dealing with. The only thing we are sure of, as a bank is that they are dealing with ingots. I would not honor the Letter of Credit, and as such, would not make any subsequent payments towards the document. This is because the document speaks of a product that is completely different from the one in the contract of sale. Consequently, the bank would be liable for honoring a Letter of Credit that has such form of discrepancies, and as such, would be liable to pay any amount of liability caused by the damages incurred from this contract. Furthermore, it would be difficult for the bank to trace the money paid out to SS, if at a future date the traders realized the discrepancies in the two contracts and demand to stop the contract, especially if at all he is a fraudulent person. Honoring the contract also gives him legal rights to decline liability to the contract, and he may choose not to send the products at all, or send a different product, ingots instead of 51 steel ingots to the buyer (Bamford, 2011) By refusing to honor this Letter of Credit, I would have to ask both parties to the contract to review the details of their contract. I would demand that they make changes to the contract and rectify the discrepancies before the bank can release any payment upon the order made. For instance, I would send a letter to MM advising him of the difference in description of the goods between the Contract of sale and the Letter of Credit. This means that the goods that the letter of credi demands payment upon are not the same ones discussed in the contract of sale. Therefore, he needs to clarify which goods he is paying for, and what is the acceptable market price of these goods. It might also

Green Eyed Monster Essay Example for Free

Green Eyed Monster Essay As I got closer to the massive, muddy, mysterious green eyed monster, his one eye took the whole of his face. In the jungle of Africa where the atmosphere was silent, I heard a loud growl in the silent, small, smelly jungle. I never reacted to the loud growl. I thought it was a lorry or something but as I got closer to the monster, it had his gigantic mouth opened, as if it was a part of the jungle and it was camouflaged, so it would blend in with the trees of the jungle. This is a very famous place. People from all around the world have visited this mysterious jungle in Africa. I have read about this place, it is in the south of Africa, which has lots of gold, so many countries are linked to this continent. Why is it called the green eyed monster? My opinion on ‘’why is it called a green eyed monster’’ is that It’s green and it only has one eye, which is very spooky, so it makes people who have not seen a one eyed monster before so it makes them want to see the green eyed monster. That is my opinion on why it is called a green eyed monster. The green eyed monster is about 5ft wide and 4ft long it has massive feet which are about 1.5ft wide and 1ft long and his one eye covers  ¾ of his face which is a lot of space. His huge eyes are filled with blood, which is dripping every second to the ground and it makes a really loud dripping noise. I could smell the sweat and the horrible smell of the green eyed monster I could also taste a horrible taste in my mouth which reminds me of a monster which has lived there for many years and hasn’t had a bath or a shower. I have read about the green eyed monster and the history of it is really interesting. It was used to carry 500 tonnes of gold in Africa many years ago. It was also used for public transport. It could carry 700 people to one place and back within 5 minutes, which normally, on a lorry or bus, it would take around 45 minutes. It would probably take the space of 20 football pitches but as we now know it would only take around 4 pitches due there being very less people ; the green eyed monster would have probably killed them or eaten them so I have read there are no people in the space of 400 miles. I have also read that there was a blue eyed monster and there are many rumours going around such as (the green eyed monster is the blue eyed monster but It hasn’t had anything to eat for 6 months so it turned blue due to the starvation.) I have also heard that green eyed monster had a son and it was called the blue eyed monster. As we can see the green eyed monster has only one eye therefore it has to be related to the blue eyed monster. As we got closer to the green eyed monster it had developed and made his growl louder and his mouth was shining so bright you could go blind looking at it for more than 5minutes. It was like seeing green stars and suddenly it collapsed and it was not breathing or growling, but I got closer and I couldn’t hear anything so there is no green eyed monster.

Comparison Of Rate Of Convergence Of Iterative Methods Philosophy Essay

Comparison Of Rate Of Convergence Of Iterative Methods Philosophy Essay The term iterative method refers to a wide range of techniques that use successive approximations to obtain more accurate solutions to a linear system at each step In numerical analysis it attempts to solve a problem by finding successive  approximations  to the solution starting from an initial guess. This approach is in contrast to  direct methods which attempt to solve the problem by a finite sequence of operations, and, in the absence of  rounding errors, would deliver an exact solution Iterative methods are usually the only choice for non linear equations. However, iterative methods are often useful even for linear problems involving a large number of variables (sometimes of the order of millions), where direct methods would be prohibitively expensive (and in some cases impossible) even with the best available computing power. Stationary methods are older, simpler to understand and implement, but usually not as effective Stationary iterative method are the iterative methods that performs in each iteration the same operations on the current iteration vectors.Stationary iterative methods solve a linear system with an  operator  approximating the original one; and based on a measurement of the error in the result, form a correction equation for which this process is repeated. While these methods are simple to derive, implement, and analyze, convergence is only guaranteed for a limited class of matrices. Examples of stationary iterative methods are the Jacobi method,gauss seidel method  and the  successive overrelaxation method. The Nonstationary methods are based on the idea of sequences of orthogonal vectors Nonstationary methods are a relatively recent development; their analysis is usually harder to understand, but they can be highly effective These are the Iterative method that has iteration-dependent coefficients.It include Dense matrix: Matrix for which the number of zero elements is too small to warrant specialized algorithms. Sparse matrix: Matrix for which the number of zero elements is large enough that algorithms avoiding operations on zero elements pay off. Matrices derived from partial differential equations typically have a number of nonzero elements that is proportional to the matrix size, while the total number of matrix elements is the square of the matrix size. The rate at which an iterative method converges depends greatly on the spectrum of the coefficient matrix. Hence, iterative methods usually involve a second matrix that transforms the coefficient matrix into one with a more favorable spectrum. The transformation matrix is called a  preconditioner. A good preconditioner improves the convergence of the iterative method, sufficiently to overcome the extra cost of constructing and applying the preconditioner. Indeed, without a preconditioner the iterative method may even fail to converge. Rate of Convergence In  numerical analysis, the speed at which a  convergent sequence  approaches its limit is called the  rate of convergence. Although strictly speaking, a limit does not give information about any finite first part of the sequence, this concept is of practical importance if we deal with a sequence of successive approximations for an  iterative method as then typically fewer iterations are needed to yield a useful approximation if the rate of convergence is higher. This may even make the difference between needing ten or a million iterations.Similar concepts are used for  discretization  methods. The solution of the discretized problem converges to the solution of the continuous problem as the grid size goes to zero, and the speed of convergence is one of the factors of the efficiency of the method. However, the terminology in this case is different from the terminology for iterative methods. The rate of convergence of an iterative method is represented by mu (ÃŽÂ ¼) and is defined as such:   Suppose the sequence{xn}  (generated by an iterative method to find an approximation to a fixed point) converges to a point  x, then   limn->[infinity] = |xn+1-x|/|xn-x|[alpha]=ÃŽÂ ¼,  where  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬ °Ã‚ ¥0 and  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±(alpha)=order of convergence.   In cases where  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±=2 or 3 the sequence is said to have  quadratic  and  cubic convergence  respectively. However in linear cases i.e. when  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±=1, for the sequence to converge  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ã‚  must  be in the interval (0,1). The theory behind this is that for En+1à ¢Ã¢â‚¬ °Ã‚ ¤ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼En  to converge the absolute errors must decrease with each approximation, and to guarantee this, we have to set  0 In cases where  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±=1 and  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼=1  and  you know it converges (since  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼=1 does not tell us if it converges or diverges) the sequence  {xn}  is said to converge  sublinearly  i.e. the order of convergence is less than one. If  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼>1 then the sequence diverges. If  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼=0 then it is said to converge  superlinearly  i.e. its order of convergence is higher than 1, in these cases you change  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ã‚  to a higher value to find what the order of convergence is.  In cases where  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ã‚  is negative, the iteration diverges. Stationary iterative methods Stationary iterative methods are methods for solving a  linear system of equations. Ax=B. where  Ã‚  is a given matrix and  Ã‚  is a given vector. Stationary iterative methods can be expressed in the simple form where neither  Ã‚  nor  Ã‚  depends upon the iteration count  . The four main stationary methods are the Jacobi Method,Gauss seidel method,  successive overrelaxation method  (SOR), and   symmetric successive overrelaxation method  (SSOR). 1.Jacobi method:- The Jacobi method is based on solving for every variable locally with respect to the other variables; one iteration of the method corresponds to solving for every variable once. The resulting method is easy to understand and implement, but convergence is slow. The Jacobi method is a method of solving a  matrix equation  on a matrix that has no zeros along its main diagonal . Each diagonal element is solved for, and an approximate value plugged in. The process is then iterated until it converges. This algorithm is a stripped-down version of the Jacobi transformation  method of  matrix diagnalization. The Jacobi method is easily derived by examining each of the  Ã‚  equations in the linear system of equations  Ã‚  in isolation. If, in the  th equation solve for the value of  Ã‚  while assuming the other entries of  Ã‚  remain fixed. This gives which is the Jacobi method. In this method, the order in which the equations are examined is irrelevant, since the Jacobi method treats them independently. The definition of the Jacobi method can be expressed with matrices  as where the matrices  ,  , and  Ã‚  represent the diagnol, strictly lower triangular, and  strictly upper triangular  parts of  , respectively Convergence:- The standard convergence condition (for any iterative method) is when the  spectral radius  of the iteration matrix à Ã‚ (D  Ãƒ ¢Ã‹â€ Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ 1R) D is diagonal component,R is the remainder. The method is guaranteed to converge if the matrix  A  is strictly or irreducibly  diagonally dominant. Strict row diagonal dominance means that for each row, the absolute value of the diagonal term is greater than the sum of absolute values of other terms: The Jacobi method sometimes converges even if these conditions are not satisfied. 2. Gauss-Seidel method:- The Gauss-Seidel method is like the Jacobi method, except that it uses updated values as soon as they are available. In general, if the Jacobi method converges, the Gauss-Seidel method will converge faster than the Jacobi method, though still relatively slowly. The Gauss-Seidel method is a technique for solving the  Ã‚  equations of the  linear system of equations  Ã‚  one at a time in sequence, and uses previously computed results as soon as they are available, There are two important characteristics of the Gauss-Seidel method should be noted. Firstly, the computations appear to be serial. Since each component of the new iterate depends upon all previously computed components, the updates cannot be done simultaneously as in the  Jacobi method. Secondly, the new iterate  Ã‚  depends upon the order in which the equations are examined. If this ordering is changed, the  components  of the new iterates (and not just their order) will also change. In terms of matrices, the definition of the Gauss-Seidel method can be expressed as where the matrices  ,  , and  Ã‚  represent the  diagonal, strictly lower triangular, and strictly upper triangular  parts of   A, respectively. The Gauss-Seidel method is applicable to strictly diagonally dominant, or symmetric positive definite matrices   A. Convergence:- Given a square system of  n  linear equations with unknown  x: The convergence properties of the Gauss-Seidel method are dependent on the matrix  A. Namely, the procedure is known to converge if either: A  is symmetric  positive definite, or A  is strictly or irreducibly  diagonally dominant. The Gauss-Seidel method sometimes converges even if these conditions are not satisfied. 3.Successive Overrelaxation method:- The successive overrelaxation method (SOR) is a method of solving a  linear system of equations  Ã‚  derived by extrapolating the  gauss-seidel method. This extrapolation takes the form of a weighted average between the previous iterate and the computed Gauss-Seidel iterate successively for each component, where  Ã‚  denotes a Gauss-Seidel iterate and  Ã‚  is the extrapolation factor. The idea is to choose a value for  Ã‚  that will accelerate the rate of convergence of the iterates to the solution. In matrix terms, the SOR algorithm can be written as where the matrices  ,  , and  Ã‚  represent the diagonal, strictly lower-triangular, and strictly upper-triangular parts of  , respectively. If  , the SOR method simplifies to the  gauss-seidel method. A theorem due to Kahan shows that SOR fails to converge if  Ã‚  is outside the interval  . In general, it is not possible to compute in advance the value of  Ã‚  that will maximize the rate of convergence of SOR. Frequently, some heuristic estimate is used, such as  Ã‚  where  Ã‚  is the mesh spacing of the discretization of the underlying physical domain. Convergence:- Successive Overrelaxation method may converge faster than Gauss-Seidel by an order of magnitude. We seek the solution to set of linear equations   In matrix terms, the successive over-relaxation (SOR) iteration can be expressed as where  ,  , and  Ã‚  represent the diagonal, lower triangular, and upper triangular parts of the coefficient matrix  ,  Ã‚  is the iteration count, and  Ã‚  is a relaxation factor. This matrix expression is not usually used to program the method, and an element-based expression is used Note that for  Ã‚  that the iteration reduces to the  gauss-seidel  iteration. As with the  Gauss seidel method, the computation may be done in place, and the iteration is continued until the changes made by an iteration are below some tolerance. The choice of relaxation factor is not necessarily easy, and depends upon the properties of the coefficient matrix. For symmetric, positive definite matrices it can be proven that  Ã‚  will lead to convergence, but we are generally interested in faster convergence rather than just convergence. 4.Symmetric Successive overrelaxation:- Symmetric Successive Overrelaxation (SSOR) has no advantage over SOR as a stand-alone iterative method; however, it is useful as a preconditioner for nonstationary methods The symmetric successive overrelaxation (SSOR) method combines two  successive overrelaxation method  (SOR) sweeps together in such a way that the resulting iteration matrix is similar to a symmetric matrix it the case that the coefficient matrix  Ã‚  of the linear system  Ã‚  is symmetric. The SSOR is a forward SOR sweep followed by a backward SOR sweep in which the  unknowns  are updated in the reverse order. The similarity of the SSOR iteration matrix to a symmetric matrix permits the application of SSOR as a preconditioner for other iterative schemes for symmetric matrices. This is the primary motivation for SSOR, since the convergence rate is usually slower than the convergence rate for SOR with optimal  .. Non-Stationary Iterative Methods:- 1.Conjugate Gradient method:- The conjugate gradient method derives its name from the fact that it generates a sequence of conjugate (or orthogonal) vectors. These vectors are the residuals of the iterates. They are also the gradients of a quadratic functional, the minimization of which is equivalent to solving the linear system. CG is an extremely effective method when the coefficient matrix is symmetric positive definite, since storage for only a limited number of vectors is required. Suppose we want to solve the following   system of linear equations Ax  =  b where the  n-by-n  matrix  A  is  symmetric  (i.e.,  AT  =  A),  positive definite  (i.e.,  xTAx  > 0 for all non-zero vectors  x  in  Rn), and  real. We denote the unique solution of this system by  x*. We say that two non-zero vectors  u  and  v  are  conjugate  (with respect to  A) if Since  A  is symmetric and positive definite, the left-hand side defines an  inner product So, two vectors are conjugate if they are orthogonal with respect to this inner product. Being conjugate is a symmetric relation: if  u  is conjugate to  v, then  v  is conjugate to  u. Convergence:- Accurate predictions of the convergence of iterative methods are difficult to make, but useful bounds can often be obtained. For the Conjugate Gradient method, the error can be bounded in terms of the spectral condition number  Ã‚  of the matrix  . ( if  Ã‚  and  Ã‚  are the largest and smallest eigenvalues of a symmetric positive definite matrix  , then the spectral condition number of  Ã‚  is  . If  Ã‚  is the exact solution of the linear system  , with symmetric positive definite matrix  , then for CG with symmetric positive definite preconditioner  , it can be shown that where  Ã‚  , and   . From this relation we see that the number of iterations to reach a relative reduction of  Ã‚  in the error is proportional to  . In some cases, practical application of the above error bound is straightforward. For example, elliptic second order partial differential equations typically give rise to coefficient matrices  Ã‚  with  Ã‚  (where  Ã‚  is the discretization mesh width), independent of the order of the finite elements or differences used, and of the number of space dimensions of the problem . Thus, without preconditioning, we expect a number of iterations proportional to  Ã‚  for the Conjugate Gradient method. Other results concerning the behavior of the Conjugate Gradient algorithm have been obtained. If the extremal eigenvalues of the matrix  Ã‚  are well separated, then one often observes so-called; that is, convergence at a rate that increases per iteration. This phenomenon is explained by the fact that CG tends to eliminate components of the error in the direction of eigenvectors associated with extremal eigenvalues first. After these have been eliminated, the method proceeds as if these eigenvalues did not exist in the given system,  i.e., the convergence rate depends on a reduced system with a smaller condition number. The effectiveness of the preconditioner in reducing the condition number and in separating extremal eigenvalues can be deduced by studying the approximated eigenvalues of the related Lanczos process. 2. Biconjugate Gradient Method-The Biconjugate Gradient method generates two CG-like sequences of vectors, one based on a system with the original coefficient matrix , and one on . Instead of orthogonalizing each sequence, they are made mutually orthogonal, or bi-orthogonal. This method, like CG, uses limited storage. It is useful when the matrix is nonsymmetric and nonsingular; however, convergence may be irregular, and there is a possibility that the method will break down. BiCG requires a multiplication with the coefficient matrix and with its transpose at each iteration. Convergence:- Few theoretical results are known about the convergence of BiCG. For symmetric positive definite systems the method delivers the same results as CG, but at twice the cost per iteration. For nonsymmetric matrices it has been shown that in phases of the process where there is significant reduction of the norm of the residual, the method is more or less comparable to full GMRES (in terms of numbers of iterations). In practice this is often confirmed, but it is also observed that the convergence behavior may be quite irregular  , and the method may even break down  . The breakdown situation due to the possible event that  Ã‚  can be circumvented by so-called look-ahead strategies. This leads to complicated codes. The other breakdown  Ã‚  situation,  , occurs when the  -decomposition fails, and can be repaired by using another decomposition. Sometimes, breakdown  Ã‚  or near-breakdown situations can be satisfactorily avoided by a restart  Ã‚  at the iteration step immediately before the breakdown step. Another possibility is to switch to a more robust method, like GMRES.  Ã‚   3. Conjugate Gradient Squared (CGS  ). The Conjugate Gradient Squared method is a variant of BiCG that applies the updating operations for the -sequence and the -sequences both to the same vectors. Ideally, this would double the convergence rate, but in practice convergence may be much more irregular than for BiCG, which may sometimes lead to unreliable results. A practical advantage is that the method does not need the multiplications with the transpose of the coefficient matrix. often one observes a speed of convergence for CGS that is about twice as fast as for BiCG, which is in agreement with the observation that the same contraction operator is applied twice. However, there is no reason that the contraction operator, even if it really reduces the initial residual  , should also reduce the once reduced vector  . This is evidenced by the often highly irregular convergence behavior of CGS  . One should be aware of the fact that local corrections to the current solution may be so large that cancelation effects occur. This may lead to a less accurate solution than suggested by the updated residual. The method tends to diverge if the starting guess is close to the solution.  Ã‚   4 Biconjugate Gradient Stabilized (Bi-CGSTAB  ). The Biconjugate Gradient Stabilized method is a variant of BiCG, like CGS, but using different updates for the -sequence in order to obtain smoother convergence than CGS. Bi-CGSTAB often converges about as fast as CGS, sometimes faster and sometimes not. CGS can be viewed as a method in which the BiCG contraction operator is applied twice. Bi-CGSTAB can be interpreted as the product of BiCG and repeatedly applied GMRES. At least locally, a residual vector is minimized  , which leads to a considerably smoother  Ã‚  convergence behavior. On the other hand, if the local GMRES step stagnates, then the Krylov subspace is not expanded, and Bi-CGSTAB will break down  . This is a breakdown situation that can occur in addition to the other breakdown possibilities in the underlying BiCG algorithm. This type of breakdown may be avoided by combining BiCG with other methods,  i.e., by selecting other values for  Ã‚   One such alternative is Bi-CGSTAB2  ; more general approaches are su ggested by Sleijpen and Fokkema. 5..Chebyshev   Iteration. The Chebyshev Iteration recursively determines polynomials with coefficients chosen to minimize the norm of the residual in a min-max sense. The coefficient matrix must be positive definite and knowledge of the extremal eigenvalues is required. This method has the advantage of requiring no inner products. Chebyshev Iteration is another method for solving nonsymmetric problems . Chebyshev Iteration avoids the computation of inner products  Ã‚  as is necessary for the other nonstationary methods. For some distributed memory architectures these inner products are a bottleneck  Ã‚  with respect to efficiency. The price one pays for avoiding inner products is that the method requires enough knowledge about the spectrum of the coefficient matrix  Ã‚  that an ellipse enveloping the spectrum can be identified  ; however this difficulty can be overcome via an adaptive construction  developed by Manteuffel  , and implemented by Ashby  . Chebyshev iteration is suitable for any non symmetric linear system for which the enveloping ellipse does not include the origin. Convergence:- In the symmetric case (where  Ã‚  and the preconditioner  Ã‚  are both symmetric) for the Chebyshev Iteration we have the same upper bound as for the Conjugate Gradient method, provided  Ã‚  and  Ã‚  are computed from  Ã‚  and  Ã‚  (the extremal eigenvalues of the preconditioned matrix  ). There is a severe penalty for overestimating or underestimating the field of values. For example, if in the symmetric case  Ã‚  is underestimated, then the method may diverge; if it is overestimated then the result may be very slow convergence. Similar statements can be made for the nonsymmetric case. This implies that one needs fairly accurate bounds on the spectrum of  Ã‚  for the method to be effective (in comparison with CG or GMRES).  Ã‚   Acceleration of convergence Many methods exist to increase the rate of convergence of a given sequence, i.e. to transform a given sequence into one converging faster to the same limit. Such techniques are in general known as series acceleration. The goal of the transformed sequence is to be much less expensive to calculate than the original sequence. One example of series acceleration is Aitkens delta -squared process.